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^i* ^"d- 



A SKETCH 



OF THE 



LIFE AND TIMES 



CAPT. R.A.PAUL. 



An Authentic and Abbreviated History of his Career from Boyhood 

TO THE Present Time; containing a Reliable Account of the 

Politics of Virginia from 1874 to the Present Time. 



^' 



By prof. D. B. WILLIAMS, 

AuTHOK OF " The Negro Race, the Pioneer in Civilization," "A Leutokk on the 
Sun," "Why We are Baptist," Etc., Etc. 



4//3 





RICHMOND, VaT: 

JOHNS & GOOLSBY, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. 






Fzil 



-o^ 



Coivvrig'itLil ISSfi, by 
R. A PAUL. 



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PREFACE. 



No department of reading can be more interesting and eleva- 
ting to the young and ambitious than that of biography. The 
difficulties overcome, the obstacles surmounted, the courage 
displayed, and the various methods of achieving success as man- 
ifested in the lives of men, tend to reveal the true, " royal road " 
of life. The rich literature of the English, French, Italians, 
Germans, and other nations is profusely enlarged by biographical 
writings. The interesting but somewhat meagre literature of 
the Colored People of America is adorned with but little such. 
This fact, too, furnishes us with a ground of hope that this vol- 
ume will be received by an indulgent public with the same 
friendliness and generosity with which my " The Negro Race, 
the Pioneer in Civilization" and " A Lecture on the Sun " were 
accepted but a short time ago. 

It is my sincerest desire that it may inspire our young men 
with a lofty ambition to rise in the scale of manhood, and to live 
so nobly that their lives will be worthy of recording. 

It is also hoped that other gentlemen who have achieved glory 
for their people in the arena of politics may record their lives for 
the benefit of coming generations. 

The Author. 



A BRIEF SKETCH 

OF THE 

Life and Times of Cspt. R. S. Psul. 



CHAPTER I. 



The Birth and Boyhood of Paul— The Place of his Birth— His Slave Pa- 
rentage—Their Intelligence and Good Character — His Grandfather, 
Richard Madison — His Remarkable Self-culture and Zeal in Instructing- 
his Grandchildren — Young Robert Bound Out. 

" A home, that paradise below 

Of sunshine and of flowers, 
Where hallowed joys perennial flow 

By calm, sequester'd bowers." 

In Nelson county, Virginia, the pleasant station of Lovingston 
nestled between the rugged, jagged sides of lofty mountains. 

It was situated in the midst of a country characterized by the 
thrift and intelligence of its inhabitants, and the fertility of its 
soil. 

In this prosperous and cultured district Robert Austin Paul was 
born on November 3, 1 846. Like most of his race who were born 
on America's fair soil, he was descended from slave parents. 
But unlike the vast majority of the victims of the brutal and in- 
humane system of slavery, his parents had obtained a good and 
laudable knowledge of letters. By an invincible perseverance, 
an insatiable thirst for knowledge, and an incessant application, 
they had acquired that development of reason which demon- 
strates the superiority of man over the instinctive brute creation. 



They were not simply regarded as intelligent, but esteemed 
for honesty and purity of character. They were widely known 
in their immediate neighborhood as trustworthy, sober, Christian 
servants. The grandfather of our subject must not be slight- 
ingly overlooked. 

Richard Madison was well known by almost every man in the 
limits of Nelson county, not only for the uprightness of his de- 
meanor, but also for his more than ordinary intelligence. So 
devoted was he to the cause of culture and so sensible of its 
many blessings, that he determined to bestow upon his children 
and grandchildren the glorious fruitage of his patient study and 
reflection. 

The laws of Virginia from 1819 to the close of the late un- 
pleasantness were rigid and uncompromising in antagonism to 
the impartation of knowledge to servants. It is true that not- 
withstanding the explicit declaration of the statute schools for 
free persons of color were in existence until the memorable Nat 
Turner insurrection of 1831. 

On the 7th of April, of that year, a harsh and unfeeling enact- 
ment was passed forbidding any person to instruct either a free- 
man or a slave. Notwithstanding the intense earnestness and 
consequent labor of the whites to exclude from the domain of 
letters the depressed, crushed and bleeding slave; in spite of the 
voices and votes of prejudiced statesmen, a few heroes and hero- 
ines diligently availed themselves of every means and device to 
acquire the coveted prize. Richard Madison, by the most praise- 
worthy zeal in the pursuit of education, had arisen to somewhat 
the dignity and importance of a pedagogue to his own family. 
His methods of instruction as well as his system of discipline 
were equally signalized by simplicity and effectiveness. Accord- 
ing to the prevailing custom of the educators of the children of 
slaveholders, the old gentleman first taught his pupils the art of 
reading, then that of spelling. After the weary toil of the field 
or stable he nestled about himself the little members of his house- 
hold. Those were the days of which the skillful poet has so 
well written : 



" The luckless urchin learned to trace 
The day's disasters in his master's face." » 

The harsh rigor and severe strictness of the pedagogue of the 
little country school were closely imitated by the slave instructor. 
The unfortunate child who failed in his recitations was sure to 
receive not only cutting rebukes, but also painful floggings. 

It was the constant wish of the old gentleman to train the 
young mmd of Robert in the useful art of reading and spelling. 
To consummate his desires, he, on a merry Christmas, purchased 
for little Robert the famous New York Speller. But the worthy 
designs of the devoted grandparent were soon frustrated. He 
sorrowingly beheld his young favorite bound out for food and 
clothing to an ignorant and unpolished white neighbor. 

Robert entered the dark, uncongenial surroundings of his new 
home in the year 1852. Before he had mastered a knowledge 
of reading he was forced to toil for a man and his wife who were 
as incapable of repeating the letters of the alphabet as the most 
ignorant slave on a Louisiana plantation. 



CHAPTER II. 

Paul Emerges from Slavery— His Freedom— His Efforts to Improvt.- liis 
Mind— His Mother his Teacher ; so Washington, Ames, Clay, Jackson, 
and Rutledge were left to the guidance of their Mothers — The Sayings 
of West, Buxtom and Langdale— His Studies in Grammar, History, 
and Law. 

" Kith are the (llUgent, who can command 
Time, nature'8 stock? and could his hourglass fall, 

Would, as for seed of stars, stoop for the sands, 
And, by incessant labor, gather &\l."—D'Alevant. 

Robert Austin Paul, by the inexorable log^ic of events, emerged 
in April, 1S65, from the gloom of slavery to the cheer of liberty. 

After a partial subsidence of his high ecstacy at the possession 
of freedom, the duties and responsibilities of his new condition 
became more apparent. 

He studied his principle defect, and sought, with laudable zeal,, 
to remedy it. He, alone, of his beloved family, was incapable 
of reading and writing. The young ladies with whom he was 
wont to associate were able to boast of these acquirements. 
These were sources of mortification and sorrow to him. 

He had, too, a laudable ambition to engage in public matters ; 
but he firmly believed himself incapable for such grave concerns. 
He, at length, fully determined to absent himself from the recre- 
ations and enjoyments of social life, till he knew the elements of 
knowledge and could exercise them. Notwithstanding the 
arduous duties of his position in a hotel, he found not a little 
time to expend in the pursuit of letters. The golden moments 
which were carelessly wasted by some of his fellow-workers 
were studiously husbanded by him. 

Many a time after the servants had gone to their several homes 
he remained at the hotel faithfully cultivating his intellectual 
powers. His instruction was under the patient supervision of 
his affectionate mother. She, by a most zealous perseverance, 



had obtained, while in slavery, a knowledge of letters. Night 
after night that tender parent lovingly imparted to him the 
needed culture. Thus he grounded himself in the fundamental 
principles of education, and laid a foundation for loftier attain- 
ments. 

It is a conspicuous fact in the biography of many eminent men 
that a large number of them were left in boyhood to the guid- 
ance and training of their mothers. 

George Washington — " first in peace, first in war, and first in 
the hearts of his countrymen " — received in early years only the 
kind and watchful supervision of a loving mother. 

Fisher Ames, John Rutledge, Winfield Scott, Henry Clay and 
Andrew Jackson are other notable examples. 

This great fact is in utter contradiction to the commonly ac- 
cepted belief that the mind of woman is weaker than that of 
man for government, administration and controlling influence. 
But the undivided judgment of the mother, her holy conscien- 
tiousness in the performance of duty, her invincible pereverance, 
combine to impart to her son those grand principles — virtue, 
honesty, courage, industry and perseverance — which alone make 
men great. 

"A kiss from my mother," said West, the eminent artist, 
"made me a painter." 

The great Fowell Buxton once wrote to his mother : " I con- 
stantly feel, especially in action and exertion for others, the effects 
of principles early implanted by you in my mind." 

Lord Langdale, looking back upon the admirable example set 
by his mother, declared : " If the whole world were put into one 
scale and my mother into the other, the world would kick the 
beam." 

It was a noble tribute to the character and nobility of woman- 
hood when the thoughtful poet wrote : 

" Blessings on the hand of woman ; 
Angels guard her strength and grace 
In the palace, cottage, hovel, 
O ! no matter where the place. 



lO 

Would that never storms assailed it, 
Rainbows ever gently curled ; 
For the hand that rocks the cradle 
Is the hand that rocks the world. 
Woman, how divine your mission 
Here upon our natal sod ; 
Keep, O, keep the heart open 
Always to the breath of God. 
Blessings on the hand of woman ? 
Fathers, sons and daughters crj' ; 
And the sacred song is mingled 
With the worship in the sky. 
Mingles where no tempest darkens. 
Rainbows ever more are curled. 
For the hand that rocks the cradle 
Is the hand that rocks the world." 

R. A. Paul, like West, Buxton, Langdale ; like Clay, Garfield, 
Jackson and Ames, will ever hold, fresh in memory, the deeds of 
self-sacrifice performed by his tender mother. 

Having secured the elements of reading, writing, spelling and 
arithmetic, he manfully determined to ascend still higher the 
pleasant hill of knowlege. By a systematic study of English 
gramrnar he acquired a good degree of accuracy in both writing 
and speaking. By diligent application to the study of United 
States history he obtained a clear understanding of the great 
principles on which the Republic is founded and the methods by 
which it is administered. He began an extensive course of read- 
ing in English History, Ancient History and Blacks^one's Com- 
mentaries. 



1 1 



CHAPTER III. 

The Public Career of Paul begun— A Candidate for Congress in 1874— 
His Support of Hayes in 1876— His support of Newman for Congress in 
1878. ^ 

" The busy world shoves angrily asUle 
The man who stands with arms akimi)o set 
Until occasion tells him what to do." 

The brilliant and successful public career of our subject had 
its beginning in the fall of 1874. 

In 1868, General U. S. Grant was elected President of the 
United States, and in 1872 re-elected to the same position. 
During these memorable and exciting campaigns R. A. Paul 
played no active part. 

In the fall of 1874 Ex-Governor Gilbert C. Walker, the Dem- 
ocratic nominee for Congress from the Third Congressional Dis- 
trict, was in opposition to Hon. John Ambler Smith. 

Hon. John Ambler Smith, the Republican standard-bearer, 
having withdrawn from the contest, a mass-meeting held by the 
citizens of Richmond heartily endorsed Captain R. A. Paul as a 
candidate for the Forty-fourth Congress. The Richmond Dis- 
patch of October 31, 1874, contained the following account of 
his candidacy : " At eight o'clock a very large crowd of Colored 
People, who had been the friends of Mr. Smith, gathered at Sa- 
maritan Hall. The meeting was soon organized with J. C. 
Whindleton as chairman, and Manson Logwood as secretary." 

"The following resolutions were presented and adopted : 

'• Whereas it appears from a card published by the Hon. John 
Ambler Smith in the public press of yesterday that he has with- 
drawn from the contest as the Republican standard-bearer for 
the Forty-fourth Congress — 

" Resolved, That we deeply deplore the withdrawal of our hon- 
ored friend, John A. Smith, as our first choice for Congress. 



12 

" Resolved, That we, the Republican voters in mass-meeting- 
assembled, in view of the situation our party is placed in by the 
withdrawal of Hon. John Ambler Smith, find it necessary to 
support a gentleman of our choice whom we find in our well- 
known and well-tried fellow-citizen Robert A. Paul, Esq., who 
has announced himself as a candidate, and who is prepared ta 
enter the field as an honest and unflinching Republican. 

" Resolved, That we pledge him our hearty and undivided sup- 
port, and that we call upon all good Republicans to rally to his 
standard." 

Though a candidate but several days prior to the election, he 
polled a goodly number. Paradoxically speaking, his defeat was 
a success. If Gilbert C. Walker attained the exalted position of 
Congressman of the nation, Robert A. Paul obtained a lofty one 
in the confidence of the people. 

The strong and ardent support, the selection of him by the 
people, the number who voted for him, and the happy congratu- 
lations received, imparted to him a renewed aspiration to benefit 
and assist his race. 

In the election for the Legislature of 1875 our subject was in- 
active because the Republicans were in a state of apathy. Even 
when all the energy possible was infused into the ranks of the ' 
Republicans of the State during the Presidential campaign of 
1876 the Republicans were without hope. Before immense 
throngs of people he boldly and vigorously supported Hayes in 
opposition to Tilden. 

During the political campaign which resulted in the election 
of Governor Holliday, the Republicans nominated no opposing 
candidate. 

In 1878 he warmly supported W. W. Newman for Congress 
against Joseph E. Johnston. During this interesting struggle, 
which resulted in the election of Joseph E. Johnston, he gained 
no little prominence by the energy, vim and sagacity of his 
political speeches. 



13 



CHAPTER IV. 

The Rise, Growth and Reverse of the Readjuster Party — His Prominence 
Chiefly due to the Rise and Growth of the Readjuster Party — The Cause 
of the Rise of that Party — The Readjuster Convention of February 25, 
1879 — Its Men and Principles — The Readjuster Victory of November, 
1879 — Why Captain Paul did not play a prominent part in 1879. 

" Congenial passions souls together bind. 
And every calling mingles with its liind. 
Soldiers unite witli soldiers, swain with swain. 
The mariner with him that roves the main."— i*'. Lewis. 

But the political and public prominence of Captain R. A. Paul 
is especially due to his connection with the progress of the Re- 
adjuster party. The organization of that party marked one of 
the most important political revolutions ever witnessed in Vir- 
ginia. 

A division occurred in the ranks of the ruling party and the 
strongest inducements were made to the Colored voters of the 
State to sustain each. 

A party which had boasted of its granite nature found itself 
sundered. It quickly saw the power of State pass into the strong 
hands of its newly risen antagonist. 

The underlying cause which gave birth to this new party was 
a deep-seated dissatisfaction with the old political party. It was 
vigorously argued that the Bourbon Funder party had for eight 
years proven its unfitness and incapacity to rule the affairs of 
State ; that it was guilty of maladministration of office, and that 
it shackled suffrage. 

The Bourbon Funder party as early as 1871 passed the fund- 
ing bill, by which it was sought to foist upon the State a princi- 
pal of ^31,000,000 with interest at the rate of 6 per cent, per 
annum. When the State government was restored in 1870 there 
was no floating debt. But after ten years of mismanagement the 
floating debt amounted to ;$ 1,969, 142. 69 with only ;^22,494.09 in 
the treasury. 



H 

For the eight years beginning with iSyi-y2 and ending with 
1878-79 the annual average of expenses of government under 
the Bourbon rule was $1,084,664.74. To meet the enormous in- 
terest and heavy expenses a heavy taxation was unavoidable. 

For the same reason also the public schools did not and could 
not receive that support so essential to their highest prosperity. 

The legislature passed the Free School Bill, and the system had 
its first year of practical operation in 1 871. 

In that year there were 3,047 schools, boasting 131,088 pupils ; 
in 1879 there were 2,491 schools, having 108,074 pupils. Thus 
the number of schools and the number of pupils were greatly 
diminished. 

The founders and moulders of the Readjuster party not only 
claimed that under the unwise rule and legislation of the Funders 
that the poor were burdened with a ruinous taxation and the 
education of the masses greatly retarded ; but also this condition 
of affairs prevented timid capital from flowing into the State, and 
that it partially paralized her industries and precluded her pro- 
gress. 

Such increasing zeal and power did the new cause acquire that 
a conference of Readjusters was convened in the House of Dele- 
gates on the 1 6th of January, 1879. Hon. A. Fulkerson held 
the honored position of chairman, and J. H. Robinson secretary. 

That able and determined body decided to call a convention 
of Readjusters to be held in Richmond on Tuesday, the 25th 
dr.y of February, 1879. That convention, long to be remem- 
bered in the political history of Virginia, met at Mozart Hall on 
the 25th of February, 1879. Major V. Vaiden was chosen per- 
manent chairman, and Charles M. Webb secretary. 

That convention was remarkable in several respects. Within 
it were some of Virginia's ablest, bravest and best sons. There 
were the able statesman Mahone, the richly eloquent Riddle- 
berger, and the bold reasoner Captain John Paul ; there were the 
cunning, successful Fulkerson, the indefatigable worker, John E. 
Massey, and the incisive orator, Capt;un Frank Blair; there, too 



15 

were the stout-hearted McCaull and other eminent Virginians 
too numerous to mention. 

Throughout its entire deliberations there was an ennobhng 
harmony. Personal differences, jealousies, and distinctions were 
mutually forgot. 

But that convention was chiefly remarkable from the fact that 
it placed the Readjuster party upon a solid foundation. It gave 
to the new political force permanency. It made it tangible to 
the people by declaring principles which all could comprehend. 
The following were the grand principles enunciated by it: 

I. Virginia fully recognizes her just liability for her fair pro- 
portion of the public debt contracted before the territory was 
divided into separate branches. 

II. Virginia cannot be liable for that part of the debt which 
should attach to West Virginia. 

III. In settlement annual interest must be brought within her 
revenue as derived from present rate of taxation. 

IV. The capacity of these revenues to meet such interests 
must be determined by deducting therefrom the necessary ex- 
pense of government, the apportionment to the schools, and a 
reasonable apportionment to charitable institutions. 

V. Virginia should deal honestly with her creditors, and should 
never place either the claims of her revenues or obligations in 
the hands of intermediates who are not completely under her 
direction. 

VI. The rate of taxation is as high as can be borne. 

VII. It is the will of the people to cherish and foster the 
public school system, so that no child shall be deprived of the 
blessings of education. 

The experienced and skillful leaders of the new party did not 
fail to strenuously advocate these popular principles before the 
people. It is not the least surprising that the contest for the 
election of members to the Legislature was characterized by un- 
usual ardor, passion and bitterness. The advocates of each 
political party were determined to win. But in spite of the com- 
bined support of Federal authority, State patronage, precedent 



i6 

and a large sum of money, the rising political power gained a 
signal victory. . 

As far as can be ascertained, the Readjusters polled on Tues- 
day, November 4, 1879, between 12,000 and 15,000 more than 
the Funder party. It must be remembered that the great issue 
on which the Readjuster party rode into power was the "Debt 
Question." 

Many honest and pure-minded men of both races earnestly 
contended that the State was morally and legally compelled to 
pay to the creditors a sum amounting to thirty-three millions of 
dollars in round numbers. Others, equally as earnest and up- 
right, vigorously maintained that the debt was contracted before 
the war; that property had greatly depreciated since; that the 
State was totally incapacitated to the full indebtedness, and that 
West Virginia should bear a portion of the debt, as she was a 
part of Virginia when the debt was contracted. The t tal 
indebtedness of Virginia, according to their calculation, was in 
round numbers twenty-one millions of dollars. The majority of 
the people of the honored old Commonwealth heartily endorsed 
the views of the Readjusters concerning the debt, and sent to the 
Legislature 23 senators and 56 members of the House. 

The Richmond W/iig of November 10 contained the follow- 
ing : " We have 23 senators and 56 in the House, with well- 
founded hopes of one more senator and two more delegates." 

This Legislature boldly attempted a settlement of the debt 
according to their platform, but was defeated by the veto of 
Governor Holliday. It succeeded, however, in the election of 
General Wm. Mahone to the United States Senate. 

It may be thought strange that Captain R. A. Paul played no 
part in the great political campaign of 1879. His cool, conser- 
vative, deliberative nature led him to carefully watch its declara- 
tions and actions ere he should lend it his enthusiastic support. 
There were certainly sufficient reasons for his so doing. 

Those who had been the bitterest and most dangerous foes to 
the Colored People were calling for their support. The one who 
had hurled hundreds of colored soldiers into the death-fraught 



17 

crater of Petersburg had announced himself the leader and di- 
rector of the new party. They who had fought on the field of 
blood and labored in the arena of politics to deprive the Colored 
man of his constitutional rights now proclaimed that Colored 
men should enjoy the full rights and prerogatives of citizens. 

Captain Paul was quietly waiting to ascertain whether any 
■" good thing could come out of Nazareth." While fully real- 
izing that " as long as the lamp holds out to burn, the vilest 
sinner may return," he was anxious to know whether or not the 
sinners had really returned. 



i8 



CHAPTER V. 

Paul's Political Achievements of iSSoand 1881 — His Contest with Dr. Mills 
for a Seat in the Staunton Convention of 1880 — His Published Views in 
18S1 Concerning the Republican and Readjuster Parties — The Colored 
State Convention of March 14, 1881 — The Readjuster State Convention 
of June 2. 1881 — The Readjuster Victory of 1881 with a Majority of 
11,304 — The Good Performed by the Readjuster Legislature. 

'• He who ascends to mountain tops, shall And 
The loftiest peak most wrapt in clouds and snow ; 
He who surpasses or subdues mankind, 
Must look flown on the hate of those below."— Byron. 

In 1880 our subject again appeared prominent before the pub- 
lic. This was at the Repubhcan State Convention, which met at 
Staunton in 1880 to elect delegates to the National Convention. 

General Wickham was elected permanent chairman. The seat 
of Captain Paul was contested by Dr. C. S. Mills. Captain Paul 
contended that he was elected in a regular and legal meeting, 
while Dr. Mills was elected in an irregular and illegal one. The 
committee on credentials recommended the seating of Dr. Mills, 
whereupon Captain Paul made a scathing speech before the con- 
vention, showing the illegal character of the meeting which 
elected Dr. Mills and vindicating his own right to a seat in the 
convention. The delegates at once decided by a vote to seat 
Captain Paul. 

The bold daring, the fiery eloquence and the indomitable will 
manifested on this occasion won for him a host of friends. 

When, in 1881, the colored leaders of the Republican party 
were invited to express their views as to the best policy for the 
Republican party to pursue in the State election, Captain Paul 
strenuously advocated a union with the newly risen Readjuster 
party. 

The following is an extract from a letter addressed by him to 
the Virginia Star : " I think tlie very best policy for us to pursue 



19 

is to support the nominee of the Readjuster party when the ticket 
is made. The great and distinguished soldier and statesman, 
Gen. Wm. Mahone, the leader of the Readjuster party, speaks 
the sentiment of that party : ' A free suffrage for all men ; a fair 
count; free education for all children; an impartial administra- 
tion of the constitution and laws for all citizens, and the removal 
of sectional jealousies and race distinctions in all our politics.' 
There is no difference between the Readjusters and Republicans 
so far as equal rights before the law are concerned. If such 
great men as Conkling, Dawes, Hoar, Logan, Cameron, Garfield, 
Arthur, Gorham, and nearly all the great men of our party can 
afford to aid this party I cannot see why we little fellows down 
here who are suffering cannot do the same thing." 

Owing to many differences of opinion as to the relation which 
the Republicans should sustain to the Readjusters, a conference 
of leading colored men was held in Richmond on the 27th of 
December, and decided to hold a State convention on the 14th 
of March, 1881. 

That State convention of colored men met in the Academy of 
Music, in Petersburg, on the 14th of March, 1881. 

The following resolution shows the spirit which actuated it : 

" Resolved, That the Colored People of Virginia, in convention 
assembled in the city of Petersburg, regard the Readjuster party 
with favor, and confidently believe that their interests will be 
better secured and preserved by aiding that party in its efforts to 
achieve and permanently settle the antagonism of races which 
has unfortunately affected the prosperity of our State." 

This convention thus unanimously decided to link the hand 
of fellowship with the more progressive and liberal-minded 
whites. 

The Readjuster State Convention met in Richmond on June 
2, 1 88 1. The following were the leading planks in their plat- 
form : 

I. We recognize our obligations to support the institutions for 
the deaf, dumb and blind, the lunatic asylum, and the public free 
schools. 



20 

II. We reassert our purpose to settle and adjust our State 
obligations on the basis of the " bill to re-establish public credit," 
known as the Riddleberger bill, passed by the last General As- 
sembly and vetoed by the Governor. 

III. The Readjusters hold the right to a free ballot, the right 
preservative of all rights, and that it should be maintained in 
every State of the Union. 

IV. We believe the capitation-tax restriction upon the suffrage 
in Virginia to be in conflict with the Fourteenth amendment to 
the Constitution of the United States. 

Captain Paul was one of the Colored members of this impor- 
tant convention. He first supported Captain John S. Wise, but 
afterward, with the other friends of Captain Wise, voted for Hon. 
W. E. Cameron. 

The State Executive Committee appointed him a campaign 
orator. He was one of the few colored men favored with this 
distinction. Nor was the committee disappointed in the selec- 
tion ; for wherever he spoke, whether in Powhatan, King George, 
Richmond or other places, the people were instructed and 
strengthened in the Coalition cause. 

. Those three gentlemen, scholars and statesmen — Gov. W. E. 
Cameron, Attorney-General F. S. Blair, and Supt.-of-Public- 
Instruction R. R. Farr — were ably supported by the bold, vig- 
orous and enthusiastic addresses of Captain Paul. He was also 
a member of the Republican State Central Committee. He was 
a member of that important committee from August, i88i, until 
April, 1884. 

The Funder party nominated for Governor the brilliant John 
W. Daniel. The political campaign was one of the most exciting 
ever witnessed in Virginia. The election of November, 1881, 
resulted in a signal victory for the Readjuster party. The HTj/V, 
the leading Readjuster organ, placed the popular majority of 
Cameron at 1 1,304. 

In the organization of the Legislature in December, the Read- 
justers boasted of twenty -three in the Senate and fifty-eight in 



21 

the House. That Legislature, true to its platform, adjusted the 
State debt according to the Riddleberger bill, by which the just 
and equitable debt of Virginia was declared to be twenty millions 
of dollars in round numbers. They abolished the whipping-post 
and nearly doubled the number of our free schools. They re- 
duced taxation twenty per cent., and forbade the burdensome 
penalty against delinquent tax-payers. The appropriated, 
through the sagacity and ability of Hon. A. W. Harris, ^100,000 
to found a college with an annuity of ^20,000 a year. This in- 
stitution (the Collegiate Normal School, of Petersburg) is now 
the leading one sustained by the State for the education of Col- 
ored youth. Besides, they put Colored physicians in the lunatic 
asylums and Colored clerks in the State Governmental depart- 
ments. 



23 



CHAPTER VI. 

Paul's Prominence in the Campaign of 1.S82 — The Readjuster Campaign of 
1882 — Its Candidates, Platform and Successes — The Educational System 
Under Funder and Readjuster Rule — The Forcible Speech of Capt. Paul 
in Tappahannock, Essex County, \'a. — His Speeches in Northumber- 
land, King William, King and Queen and other Places. 

" All is the gift of Inauatry ; whate'er 
Exalts, embellishes and remlers life 
Delightful." 

In the Congressional campaign of 1882 Captain Paul played a 
conspicuous part. 

Virginia was to choose ten congressmen. The following was 
the Liberal Readjuster ticket of 1882 : 

For Congressman for the State at large — Hon. John S. Wise. 

First District — Hon. Robert M. Mayo. 

Second District — Hon. Harry Libbey. 

Third District — Hon. John Ambler Smith. 

Fourth District — Hon. B. S. Hooper. 

Fifth District — Hon. William E. Sims. 

Sixth District — Hon. J. Henry Rives. 

Seventh District — Hon. John Paul. I 

Eighth District — Hon. Richard R. Farr. 

Ninth District — Hon. Henry Bowen. 

The following was their comprehensive platform : 

I. Free suffrage. 

II. Free education. 

III. Free speech, free religion and free politics. 

IV. Our just debt with fair interest and reduced taxation. 

V. Protection of our industries to develop our capacities and 
internal improvements. 

VI. A solid Union with Federal fraternity the surest source 
and safeguard of the liberty and prosperity of the State and the 
people. 



23 

VII. Equal rights, equal privileges, equal duties and obliga- 
tions, and an equal enforcement of constitutions and laws for all 
States and all citizens. 

The campaign was signalized by intense earnestness on each 
side. The Funders exerted every nerve to regain their lost 
power, and the Readjusters, flushed with victory, were determined 
to gain more signal ones. The increase of schools for the chil- 
dren of the Commonwealth was one of the strongest arguments 
for the newly risen party. The following table shows the number 
of schools under each administration : 

FUNDKR. ReADJUSTER. 

1879. 1881. 

Number of Schools, - - - 2,491 5,382 

Graded, . '. _ 128 234 

I'lipils enrolled, - - - 108,074 . 239,046 

Teachers, ... - 2,504 5,392 

Colored Teachers, - - - 415 927 

Colored Schools, . - . 675 1,443 

Expenditures, - - - - 1570,389.15 11,100,238.96 

Captain Paul made a vigorous canvass in behalf of the party. 
Wherever he addressed the people upon the living issues of the 
day he was received with much enthusiasm by both white and 
colored. His speeches, though not possessing the ease and grace 
of rhetorical finish, were characterized by unanswerable facts, 
forcible, practical logic, and bold energy. 

His enviable position of messenger to the Governor enabled 
him to amass a wonderful amount of facts concerning the op- 
posing forces. 

The following extract, copied from the W/iior of September 25, 
1 882, shows the character of Captain Paul as a campaign speaker : 

Tappahannock, Essex Co., Sept. 25, 1882. 
" It having been announced that Capt. R. A. Paul, of Rich- 
mond city, would speak here to-day, a large audience of both 
races and of all parties met at the Courthouse. Capt. Paul was 
introduced by our county chairman, Harrison Southworth, and 
spoke about two hours. 



24 

" His speech was exceedingly effective, especially with those 
of his own color. He dealt with the issues of the campaign in 
a clear, logical, forcible and eloquent line of argument, to the 
complete satisfaction of the Readjusters, but the chagrin and dis- 
comfiture of the sore-headed Funders. He said the Funders had 
no platform ; had deserted all their old leaders and abandoned 
every distinctive principle. He declared that they had surren- 
dered their opposition to the removal of the capitation tax 
restriction upon the ballot, the repeal of the whipping- post law, 
and present no discussion, but make the campaign one of clap- 
trap talk and Jack-Cade bombast and misrepresentation. He 
said they are now marshaling their forces under the leadership 
of a pestilent and ambitious demagogue and deserter from our 
ranks, and they have but one cry in this campaign, and that is 
* Negro Rule ' and ' Boss ' and * Anything to beat Mahone.' He 
said that under Funder rule the Republicans of the State, and 
especially the Colored People, were deprived of nearly all their 
civil and political rights, and that nothing was done to advance 
the moral and intellectual status of the Colored People. He 
showed that under the leadership of Mahone we have had our 
school system fully restored ; that we have secured $400,000 for 
our general education, $100,000 to build a colored Normal 
school ; that the whipping-post has been abolished, taxes have 
been reduced, and that the capitation tax restriction to voving has 
been removed." 

In Northumberland, Essex, King George, Richmond county, 
and other places the bold, vigorous speeches of our subject were 
received with bursts of enthusiastic applause. The results of 
the election of 1882 showed that Hon. John S. Wise was elected 
congressman at large by about 8,000 majority. John E. Massey 
was thus defeated. Hon. Rob't Mayo from First District, Hon. 
John Paul of the Seventh, Hon. B. Hooper of the Fourth, and 
John Bowen of the Ninth, were also elected. Hons. William 
Mahone and H. H. Riddleberger were the Readjuster senators 
from Virginia. 



25 



CHAPTER VII. 

Paul and the Richmond Scliool Board— The Notification of Mr. Garnett to 
Attorney-General Blair— The Appointment of the Board by the State 
Board of Education — The Declarations of Democratic Papers — The De- 
cision of the Supreme Court— A Colored Citizens' Meeting on May 22, 
1883— The Part Played by Captain Paul in the Election of Colored Prin- 
cipals and Teachers— His Resolution — The Board is Legislated Out. 

" Pluck bright honors from the pale-faced moon. 
Or dive into the bottom of the deep, 
Where fathom line could never touch the ground, 
And drag- up drowned houor by the locks." 

It was as a member of the Richmond School Board that Capt. 
R. A. Paul was brought even more prominently before the peo- 
ple of Virginia 

A brief sketch of the history and workings of this board will 
prove interesting and instructive to the reader. 

Sometime in January, 1883, Superintendent of Schools of the 
city, Mr. E. M. Garnett, notified Attorney- General Blair, who is 
a member of the State Board of Education, that from the books 
of the Richmond School Board he could not find that any of 
the trustees of the School Board had ever taken the oath of 
office. The State Board referred the matter to the Attorney- 
General for his opinion. 

The Attorney-General declared that the oath of office was 
necessary for a school trustee, and that it should be recorded 
with the clerk of the School Board of counties, cities and towns, 
and that failure to take such an oath created a vacancy in the 
office of school trustee ; that it authorized the town and city 
council to fill the vacancy within sixty days after the thirty days 
within which the law requires such trustees to take the oath of 
office, and that in the event the city council failed to fill such 
vacancy within sixty days, then the State Board of Education 
had the absolute power to make the appointment. 



26 

The State Board of Education, composed of Governor Cam- 
eron, Mr. R. R. Farr, Superintendent of Public Instruction, and 
Attorney- General Blair, on the 17th of February, appointed the 
following school trustees for Richmond : John H. Childrey, Ro- 
land Hill, Jefferson Powers, John W. Fisher, Richard Forrester, 
V. A. Vavier, R. A. Paul, Henry Hudnall and J. V. Reddy. 
The selection of Mr. Richard Forrester and Captain R. A. Paul 
aroused the bitterest opposition on the part of the enemies of 
readjustment. 

They strenuously argued that the city was disgraced by the 
presence of two colored men on its School Board. They vigor- 
ously claimed that white men alone should hold such a position ; 
that the State Board of Education should be abhorred for this 
unpardonable sin. So embittered were some Bourbon sheets that 
they advised through their colums the resignation of the colored 
men. The Richmond Dispatch spoke as follows : " It might as 
well be understood first as last that the whites of Virginia do 
not intend to permit negroes to be trustees of white schools. 
This is a humiliation to which nobody has a right to expect the 
superior race to submit." 

It also contained the following: "Think on these things, ye 
white school trustees. Ponder the situation in which you find 
yourselves. If the negroes won't resign, you can resign." 

An article in the Whig of May 26, 1883, thus ridiculed the 
statement of the Dispatch : " O, what cunning F'under music for 
the unwary ! Just you white men step down and out and let our 
City Council put seven of the old trustees back. Any seven of 
our old fellows won't mind sitting with the two ' niggers ' who re- 
main. Let the Dispatch continue to play its dulcet and winning 
music, * List to the Mocking Bird,' or change to the plaintive 
strains : 

" Should auld acquaintanct' he forj^ot ? 
Ye banks and braes o' bonnie Doon, 
How can ye bloom sae fresh and fair ? 
Ye little birds, how can ye sing 
While we poor Funders are so full of care ?" 



But so great were the opposition, anger and uncompromising 
spirit of the Dispatch that the New York World, on June 12, 
contained some severe criticism upon it. 

Said the World: "This talk about 'humiliation' and the 
* superior race ' is in exceedingly bad taste. The Constitution 
of the United States has made negroes citizens in the fullest 
sense of the word. They may fall short of the whites mentally 
and morally, but when they manifest the capacity to lift them- 
selves upon a plane of equality with the rest of marlkind, they 
should be encouraged. We respect Governor Cameron for the 
step he has taken. It is time for this war against ' niggers' to 
stop." 

While the war of words among the newspapers was progress- 
ing, the new board made a demand on the old for the office, 
papers and records of the schools of Richmond. 

Mr. J. H. Peay, secretary of the board, refused to deliver them 
up, and claimed he did so under instructions from the old board. 

The Board of Education instructed the Attorney-General to 
take all necessary steps to test the respective rights of the two 
boards before the Supreme Court of Appeals. This he did by 
a petition for a mandamus by the new board against the old. 

The case was ably argued on both sides for two days. Judge 
Richardson delivered the unanimous decision of the court, sus- 
taining the opinion of the Attorney-General and the action of 
the State Board. 

Captain Paul was destined to play an important part in the 
coming revolution of the schools. The Colored People eagerly 
looked to him to labor and plan for the placing of all the colored 
schools into the hands of competent colored teachers. The Col- 
ored People for several years prior to the existence of the new 
school board had earnestly requested the appointment of colored 
teachers for colored schools. 

On the 22d of May, 1883, a general meeting of the colored 
citizens was held in the First African church. It was the unan- 
imous sentiment of the meeting that colored teachers should be 



28 

employed to teach colored schools. The following resolutions 
were adopted : 

Resolved i. That we congratulate the friends of progress upon 
the educational status of our Commonwealth. 

Resolved 2. That while we would not presume to dictate as to 
the management of the Richmond public schools, we respect- 
fully petition the Richmond School Board, as an act of justice 
to ourselves and as an advantage to our children, that they ap- 
point colored principals and teachers to all our colored schools. 

The election of principals and teachers for the schools occur- 
'red on the fourth Thursday in June. It was mainly due to the 
energy and influence of Captain Paul that three teachers were 
promoted to the position of principals, and thirty-four new teachers 
were selected to fill schools previously filled by white teachers. 
While there was a unanimous desire on the part of the board to 
appoint colored teachers, with regard to principals there was a 
difference of opinion. At the election of principals and teachers 
four members out of nine were opposed to colored principals. 
Had not the bold and gallant Paul uncompromisingly contended 
for colored principals, it would have been impossible to choose 
them. The three young men who accidentally gained these lofty 
positions owe to Captain R. A. Paul a life-long gratitude. 

The thirty-four newly-elected teachers, too, owed their posi- 
tions in a large decree to his indomitable will, energy and judg- 
ment. As trustee of the Richmond schools he gained the favor 
and friendship of old and young. He ably and wisely repre- 
sented the wishes of the colored citizens, and his judicious action 
won their applause. 

As trustee, he was deeply interested in the educational ad- 
vancement of his people. Realizing that fully 1,014 colored 
chirred were unprovided for in school accommodations, he ex- 
erted his utmost influence that such accommodations might be 
obtained. He offered to the board the following resolution, 
which was unanimously adopted : 



29 

Whereas, the present school faciHties for colored children are 
entirely inadequate for the accommodation of those applying for 
admission, since there are 1,014 scholars unprovided for, 

Resolved, That the council of the city of Richmond be and 
are hereby requested to erect a school building in said city west 
of Adams street, to be used exclusively for the education of col- 
ored children ; the said building to be sufficiently large to admit 
of twelve schools being taught therein. 

When the school is erected it will be a lasting monument to 
his worth and character. 

The Legislature of December, 1883, declared vacant the School 
Boards of the State. On last April, 1884, Captain Paul and his 
fellow-members were forced by the inevitable to relinquish their 
positions. On the fourth Thursday in June, 1884, the Demo- 
cratic School Board of Richmond deposed the three colored 
principals and reinstated the former white ones. 

As trustee, he seemed to have obeyed the wise injunction of 
the illustrious Goete : 

" Haste not ! Let no thoughtless deed 
Mark forever the spirit's speed ; 
Ponder well, and know the right — 
Onward, then, with all thy might. 
Haste not ! Years cannot atone 
For one reckless action done ! 
Rest not ! Life is sweeping by, 
Do and dare before you die. 
Something mighty and sublime 
Leave behind to conquer time ; 
Glorious 'tis to live for aye 
When these forms have passed away," 

He seemed to have pondered " well " and knew the " right." 
In achieving acts of generosity for others, he has performed 
*' something mighty and sublime" which will, indeed, "conquer 
time." 



30 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Paul's Part in the Campaiijn of 18.S3 — The Campaign of 1883 — The Demo 
cratic State Convention of July 25 — The Part Played by Captain R. A. 
Paul — The Doings of the Democratic Legislature — The Chief Causes of 
the Defeat of the Readjuster Party — The Danville Massacre — The His- 
tory of " Big Fourism." 

"Adversity, sage, useful guest, 
Severe Instructor, but the best; 

It la from thee alone we know 
Justly to value thlngn below." 

The campaign of 1883 was one of the most remarkable in the 
history of the Commonwealth. Each party bent itself to the 
utmost to gain the victory. The Readjusters, crowned with the 
glory of success, were determined to maintain possession of the 
State government. The Funders, chagrined and maddened by 
successive defeats, exerted every nerve to conquer their wiley op- 
ponent Mahone. 

Never before, perhaps, was the Democracy more united and 
better organized in every county, city, town and district. 

The Democratic State Convention assembled in Lynchburg 
on the 25th of July, 1.S83, for the purpose of effecting a more 
thorough organization to overcome' the successful Coalitionists. 
They, eager for State supremacy, adopted a platform differing 
but slightly from that of the Coalitionists. 

The best and ablest orators of each party warmly argued the 
issues of the campaign before the people. Captain Paul can- 
vassed the State in this exciting campaign. He delivered, too^ 
several speeches in behalf of the Coalitionists at meetings held in 
the city of Richmond. 

Whenever he addressed the people he spoke on the issues of 
the campaign in a clear and able manner. His speeches teemed 
with undeniable facts and figures. 

Never before have I observed men of opposing parties so san- 
guine of success. 



31 

The Funders were heralding from the steepy heights of the 
Alleghanies to the low level of the sea that victory would as- 
suredly be theirs. The Readjusters as confidently asserted that 
they would carry the State by a larger majority than ever. 

The official returns after the election of the 6th of November 
demonstrated that the Funders had carried the State by almost 
18,000 majority. When the Legislature convened in December it 
was found that in the Senate 23 were Funders and 17 Readjus- 
ters; in the House 63 were Funders and 37 Readjusters. In a 
short time, however, a sufficient number of Readjusters was un- 
seated to give the Funders about two- thirds in each branch. Thus 
the Democracy, in its representatives, was enabled to override 
the veto of the Readjuster Governor Cameron. 

This Legislature eagerly and earnestly desired to undo the 
work of the Readjusters and assume control of the State. And 
very successful, too, they were in accomplishing this. 

The various boards of the institutions for the deaf, dumb and 
blind were changed. Prominent and worthy Readjusters who 
occupied positions on school boards for cities and boards for 
higher institutions of learning were forced to give way to men 
of Democratic persuasion. The newly-risen party, which since 
1879 ^^^ ^^^ wit'^ ^ series of brilliant victories, was suddenly 
overthrown in November, 1883. 

It may prove interesting as well as instructive to investigate 
some of the causes which led to the disastrous defeat of the 
Readjuster party. The balance of probabilities was certainly in 
favor of the Coalitionists. The eagle of victory had perched 
upon their banner in the exciting struggles of '79, '81, and '82. 
The bright star of hope had shone clearly before them. The 
balance of State as well as Federal power was theirs. He who 
occupied the highest position in the gift of the State was a pillar 
of the new movement. The Lieutenant-Governor and Attorney- 
General, the larger number of the House and Senate, the Judi- 
ciary Departments were linked with the fortunes of the Coali- 
tionists. The Department of Education, with its scores of super- 



32 

intendents, its retinue of principals, teachers, school boards and 
janitors, was under the supervision and direction of Readjust- 
ment. The elemosynary institutions for the deaf, dumb and blind 
were controlled by those of Coalition persuasion. 

The vast power of the Federal patronage, its custom-houses, 
its post-offices and mail-services, with numbers of officials, was 
wielded by the new party. 

With strength great, a record almost unimpeachable, and prin- 
ciples lasting, its success appeared certain and secure. But in 
spite of its prestige and power, its glowing record and desirable 
principles, it was disastrously beaten — sadly defeated. 

The causes which induced its defeat must have been of no in- 
significant character. The defeated Democracy, routed in three 
successive campaigns, opposed by State and Federal power, won 
the State by about 18,000 majority. Let us see the reason why. 

Firstly. The thorough and systematic organization of the 
Democracy aided greatly in their success. The State Com- 
mittee, with Hon. John S. Barbour, chairman, adopted the most 
practical plans for reaching the people of the State. 

The county, district, town and ward committees paid domiciliary 
visitation for the purpose of winning votes in opposition to Ma- 
hone. Thus political fireside conversations were common, and 
hundreds of solid votes won. 

What monetary influences may have aided and strengthened 
the compact organization, it is impossible to conjecture. Sup- 
porting the skillfully conceived organization were invincible en- 
ergy and determination. 

Those men were more than desperately in earnest. Nor did 
their opponents least suspect the extremes to which they would 
resort to defeat Mahoneism. The depth and seriousness of their 
antagonism to the Coalitionists began to appear in their drawing 
the " Color Line." 

Secondly. The raising the color question aided much in their 
success. 

The appointment of colored trustees may have been the occa- 
sion, but it was certainly not the cause of their drawing it. They 



33 

Jiowled with more than ungovernable fury over the appointment 
of the two inteHigent and rdspectable colored gentlemen— Messrs. 
Forrester and Paul. 

They vociferously clamored that the white people of the State 
would not permit it ; that it was a shame that colored men should 
be over white schools, and that it was a disgrace that white ladies 
should be forced to request colored men to appoint them. 
Listen to the ravings of the leading Democratic organ, the Rich- 
mond Dispatch, of May 23, 1883 : 

" It cannot be tolerated for one moment, the thought that 
negro trustees shall be seen sitting in the theatre next month 
surrounded by lovely young white girls. The negroes or the 
white children— one or the other — will be absent." 

Again, in the Dispatch of June 5, 1883: "Are you willing 
that as in the city of Richmond negro trustees shall be appointed 
to oversee in common with white trustees the white schools of 
Virginia, and trust to the self-denial of the negroes to keep them 
out of the white schools ? " 

By this species of fallacious declamation did the Dispatch and 
other organs arouse the worst feelings of the whites against the 
colored. Through their false and illogical reasoning that this is 
a white man's government, they bitterly incensed the friendly 
disposed whites against the respectable colored people of the 
State. And this, too, though the Democracy itself had appointed 
colored trustees over white and colored schools. During the 
administration of Governor Kemper, which began in 1873 and 
ended in 1877, a number of colored citizens were made school 
trustees. The following statement is copied from the Whig of 
October 4, 1883 : 

"According to a certified statement from the office of the 
Superintendent of Public Instruction during Kemper's adminis- 
tration, the State Board, of which Kemper was president, ap- 
pointed the following colored school trustees : John Cox, trustee 
for Midlothian district, Chesterfield county ; Lafayette Johnson, 
trustee for Clover Plill district, King and Queen county ; Beverley 
3 



34 

Sparks, trustee for Stevensville district, King and Queen county ; 
Henry Robinson, trustee for Pine Tree district, Middlesex 
county; P. G. Morgan, George Washington, and J. H. Hill, for 
the city of Petersburg." 

But utterly ignoring the fact of the appointment of colored 
men by the Kemper School Board, they vigorously and persist- 
ently called upon the white men of the State to forget not the 
heinous crime of placing colored men as trustees over white and 
colored schools. "O! consistency thou art a jewel !" By the 
most inflammatory newspaper articles and public speeches a 
veritable war of races was begun. Whites began to range them- 
selves in Macedonian-like phalanxes against colored. The ring- 
ing shibboleth of the frightened Democracy was, " Whites must 
support whites !" The great issues of the campaign were for- 
gotten ; passion supplanted reason, prejudice conquered judg- 
ment, and men's minds were ready for anything. While the 
public mind was thus unduly excited ; while the unholy war of 
races was progressing occurred the lamentable Danville massacre, 
which we mention as the third cause of the defeat of the Co- 
alitionists. The immediate occasion of this disgraceful massacre 
was as follows : 

A colored man, while walking down a popular street, politely 
attempted to move on one side to make room for several white 
ladies. In so doing he accidentally stepped on the foot of a 
white man, who at once struck him a severe blow. In the first 
ficrht which ensued the white man was worsted. Shortly after 
the contest this white man, in company with another, met the 
colored man on the street. The colored man was immediately 
attacked, when several colored men came to the scene of disturb- 
ance. One of the white men, with drawn pistol, forbade them to 
interfere. A number of whites, too, were soon upon the scene. 
As a colored man attempted to rescue the beaten one, he was 
fired upon and fell dead. In the subsequent disturbance the 
whites fired upon the fleeing crowd of colored people and killed 
two more, but wounded several. The effect was electrical. The 
whole city was thrown in an uproar of excitement. The whites 



35 

flocked the streets armed, while the colored remained secreted at 
home. 

The news rushed rapidly to various portions of the State. By 
Monday night thousands of white and colored people had learned 
the terrible tragedy. Grim fear seized numbers and held them 
from the polls on Tuesday. In the city made sad by gloomy 
death and painful wounds hardly any colored dared to exercise 
the right of ballot. In many counties, as well as some cities, 
long-fingered death seemed to stare the colored voters in the 
face. When the lightning-winged telegraph announced the 
result of the exciting contest it was discovered that hundreds 
and thousands of colored citizens had refused to vote. 

The Readjusters boldly proclaimed that the Funders had con- 
cocted this massacre to defeat them. The Funders as boldly 
claimed that the Hon. W. E. Sims stirred the passions of the 
people on the previous night by an incendiary speech ; that this 
riotous speech caused the disturbance on Saturday, and that the 
Democracy was irresponsible for the bloody deed. 

It must not be supposed that the large majority of the Demo- 
cratic voters are responsible for the barbarous act planned by 
some of its leaders and executed by the tools of those leaders. 
Thousands who yearly vote with the time-honored Democracy 
possess too much ennobling manhood and Christian integrity to 
condescend to bloodshed and murder to win a political contest. 
Every lover of Virginia soil must deeply regret that the pen of 
the future impartial historian will place her — the mother of States 
and the mother of presidents — in the catalogue of States made 
famous by " Ku Kluxism, White lineism and Shot-gun Policy." 

Over and above the Copiah murder, the Yazoo tragedy and 
the Hamburg bloodshed will be painted the Danville massacre, 
a blot upon the face of Christian civilization and a stain upon the 
fair name of Virginia. 

The severe and constant opposition of the Straightouts may be 
mentioned as the fourth cause of the unsuspected defeat of the 
Coalitionists. The Straightouts professed to be pure Republi- 



36 

cans. They refused to link the hand of friendship with the Ma- 
hone party. Indeed, in the opposition to the Coalitionists they 
were as severe and uncompromising as the Democrats themselves. 
In the hotly contested campaign of 1S82 they polled 5,000 votes 
for their candidate for congressman at large, Hon. John Dawson. 
In the bitter struggle of 1883 some of their leaders joined hands 
with the Democracy itself to crush the Mahoneites. General 
Wickham, one of the oldest and greatest leaders of the Repub- 
lican party, was nominated by the Funders of Hanover and Caro- 
line counties, and elected to the Virginia Senate. 

Mr. Dezendorf, another of the veteran leaders, headed the 
Bourbon ticket of Norfolk county. Listen to the voice of the 
Whig of May 23, 1883: 

" But Mr. Dezendorf, claiming to be a Republican, heads the 
Bourbon-Funder ticket in Norfolk county, he being the only 
Republican upon it, as we learn. This Bourbon-Funder ticket 
the Bourbon-Funders and Mr. Dezendorf represent as the 
Straightout Republican ticket." 

Aside from these, the fifth cause may be found in the deser- 
tion of the party by some of its former leaders and followers. 
Abraham Fulkerson, one of the founders of readjustment, exerted 
his utmost endeavors to crush it. Aside from the antagonizing 
influence of Beckley, Woltz and others might be mentioned the 
severe and unrelenting hostility of Hon. John E Massey and the 
famous " Big Four." The Big Four, so named from the power- 
ful influence exerted by them in the Senate in opposition to the 
Coalitionists, was composed of Senators Williams, Hale, Newberry 
and Lybrock. 

The cause of the antagonism of Hon. John E. Massey and the 
rise of the "Big Four" will be briefly presented. The ques- 
tion of the appointment of clerks for the office of the First Aud- 
itor was discussed in the Readjuster caucus. Hon. John E. 
Massey strongly claimed the right of appointing his own clerks, 
while the majority of the caucus, led by Senator H. H. Riddle- 
berger, demanded that the desired clerks should be appointed by 
the caucus. 



37 

The aforenamed "Big Four" sided with Mr. Massey. The 
legislation of the State was stopped for thirty days. This oc- 
curred from the fact that a deadlock was formed in the Senate by 
the "Big Four" operating with the Funders. The ringing 
voices of the Readjuster leaders, the leading editors of Coalition 
organs, and the greater majority of Readjuster voters, united in 
severely denouncing Massey and the " Big Four " as traitors to 
their pledges and to the people. The defeat of Massey was the 
occasion of his fleeing to the outstretched arms of the Democ- 
racy. This also, united with personal abuse, was the occasion 
of a bitter and protracted struggle on the part of the " Big Four " 
against the Mahoneites. Everywhere in the State, from the 
commencement of " Big Fourism " and Masseyism to the present 
time, Mr. Massey and the " Big Four " — Messrs. Hale, Williams, 
Newberry, and Lybrock — have exerted their utmost influence to 
defeat Readjustment. Hon. John E. Massey was nominated by 
the Democratic party for congressman-at-large in 1882. Though 
beaten in the exciting contest by John S. Wise, he persistently 
contested his seat in the House of Representatives of the United 
States. 

Though foiled in this undertaking, he remains now the uncom- 
promising enemy of the party which he once honored. 

Aside from these five main causes may also be mentioned the 
too severe strictness on the part of some of the leaders of Read- 
justment. All men will not submit to uncompromising dictation. 
The placing of men in positions of remuneration whose record 
showed no work achieved for the party, and the overlooking of 
men who had struggled for the party from its beginning, dener- 
gized some of its faithful workers and caused desertion on the 
part of others. 

But of all the varying causes which might be mentioned as the 
reasons of the disastrous and unexpected defeat of the Coali- 
tionists, the Danville massacre was undoubtedly the chief. The 
color-line, good organization, dissatisfied elements, antagonism 
of Straight-outs, dictation as to men and measures, and unfair 



38 

nepotism had been employed before. All these were insufficient 
to give the decaying Democracy a majority of nearly 18,000. 
For these identical agencies, prior to 1883, had been too weak to 
prevent the Readjusters from obtaining 12,000 and 8,000 ma- 
jority. 

It might be well to state, also, that in many places the before- 
victorious Coalitionists displayed little activity and energy. 
Confident of success, they deemed it unnecessary to labor with 
much diligence and watchfulness to again carry the election. 
But the vanity and self conceit of these were hurled to the winds 
and severely rebuked at the annunciation of their unexpected 
defeat. 



39 



CHAPTER IX. 

Paul a Delegate to the State Convention — The Readjuster Convention of 
April 24, 1884 — The Readjusters Become Republicans — The Platform of 
I'rinciples — The Speech of Captain Paul in the Convention. 

" Storms may howl around thee, 
Foes may hunt and hound thee; 
Shall they overpower thee ? 
Never, never, never." 

The tireless Mahone, though defeated in the campaign of 1883, 
was by no means discouraged. With renewed energy, the sturdy 
sons of Readjustment actively co-operated with him in making a 
call for a State Convention. 

That convention assembled in the Richmond Theatre on the 
24th of April, 1S84. Never, perhaps, has a political conven- 
tion assembled in the State which could show a superiority in the 
character and ability of its leaders. 

There were the eloquent A. A. Dodson, and the able W. H. 
Pleasants ; the scholarly R. C. Mitchell, and the learned A. W. 
Harris. Here too sat energetic Paul, sensible Josiah Crump, 
fearless Anderson Taylor, and others whose names I cannot 
now recall. 

Am.ong the white leaders of Readjustment were skillful Van 
Auken, learned Frank Blair, and bold R. Walker; plucky Brown 
Allen, organizing Brady, thoughtful S. Yost and energetic R. 
Hubard were there. H. W. Holdway, F. R. Brown, Bailey 
Brown, John S. Wise, Joseph Gregory, A. O. Long, Dr. G. R. 
Gray, W. ¥,. Craig, L. E. Savage and a host of others adorned 
that memorable convention. 

The object of the convention was to elect delegates to the Na- 
tional convention, which met on the third of June at Chicago. 
Between 900 and 1,000 delegates were present. General 
Mahone, chairman of the State Committee, briefly addressed the 
convention, after which he introduced Mayor Lamb, of Norfolk, 
as the temporary chairman. 



40 

In the permanent organization, Hon. Wm. Lamb was ap- 
pointed chairman, C. C. Clarke, secretary, and George F. Bragg- 
assistant secretary. 

The following delegates to the Chicago convention, elected by 
the Congressional District Convention, were reported by the re- 
spective chairmen : 

First District — Hon. Duff Green, Stafford county; Hon. L. 
R. Stewart, Richmond. 

Second District — Harry Libbey, Elizabeth City; Jordan 
Thompson, Nansemond. 

Third District — Hon. W. C. Elam, Louisa; J. Anderson Tay- 
lor, Richmond. 

Fourth District — Hon. W. E. Gaines, Nottoway ; Hon. A. W. 
Harris, Dinwiddie. 

Fifth District — W. E. Sims, Pittsylvania; Winfield Scott, 
Floyd. 

Sixth District — James A. Frayser, Rockingham; James ]\L 
McLaughlin, Lynchburg. 

Seventh District — L. S. Walker, Shenandoah ; J. L. Dunn, 
Green. 

Eighth District — R. L. Mitchell, Alexandria city ; Thomas G. 
Popham, Rappahannock. 

Ninth District— Hon. C. C. Wood, Scott; D. F. Houston, 
Roanoke. 

Delegates at Large — Gen. Wm. Mahone, Col. J. D. Brady, 
Hon. F. S. Blair, S. M. Yost, W. H. Pleasants, A. A. Dodson. 

Electors — Hon. Lewis E. Harvie, Hon. W. H. Turner, Hon. 
S. Brown Allen, Bailey Brown, C. H. Causey, R. T. Hubard, J. 
H. VanAuken, F. R. Brown, E. W. Hubard, Rob't J. Walker, 
Carter M. Louthan, and W. Hold way. 

The platform of the convention was pre-eminently character- 
ized by a deep insight into the nature and object of government 
and a declaration of liberal and universal principles. 

The Coalitionists in this convention declared that henceforth 
they were Republicans ; that they earnestly invited the co- opera- 



41 

tion of all opposed to Bourbonism, and they pledged themselves 
to secure to all free suffrage, an honest ballot and a fair count. 

They were in favor of free education, liberal appropriations of 
the Government for educational purposes, protective tariff, and 
the development of the industries of the State. 

They declared : " We arraign and denounce Bourbonism for 
its hostility to the most sacred rights and dearest interest 
of the people — a hostility which it has demonstrated by reck- 
lessly tramping under foot the Constitution and laws of the 
State ; by denying to the people the right of representation 
in the Legislature through the men of their own choice; by 
divesting the Executive Department of the Government of many 
of its constitutional and statutory powers ; by depleting the State 
treasury; by its injudicious interference with the free school sys- 
tem ; by lessening the taxes of those who live by trade and 
speculation while the farming, mechanical and laboring classes 
are unrelieved of their heavy burthen." 

The first plank in the platform of this noted convention de- 
clared the Coalitionists to be henceforth Republicans. 

The desirable declaration electrified the hearts of all present, 
and healed many wounds in the ranks of the Straightout Repub- 
licans of the State. 

Captain R. A. Paul was a delegate to this convention. He 
made a forcible and enthusiastic speech advocating Hon. John F. 
Lewis as a delegate to Chicago. 

But the eloquence of Paul was not destined to achieve a vic- 
tory, for Hon. John F. Lewis positively refused to be a delegate. 

This convention was strongly characterized by a bursting en- 
thusiasm. The appearance of the magnetic Mahone, the speak- 
ing of Blair, Pleasants, Wise, Harris, Paul and others were the 
occasions of prolonged and rapturous applause. 



chaptp:r X. 

Captain R. A. Paul a Self-Made Man— The Spirit of Self-Help the True 
One — The Sayings of Scott, Gibbon and Dr. Arnold — Men of Eminence 
Owe Their Greatness to This — It is Achieved by Diligence and Applica- 
tion — This Spirit of Self-Help in Captain Paul Manifested by His Practi" 
cal Education — His Military Record — His Political Influence and Posi- 
tion — His Public Character. 

"This above all, To thine own self be true : 
And it must follow as the night the day. 
Thou canst not then be false to any iu&n."—S/iake:<])eare. 

A famous general once said, "Trust in God and keep your 
powder dry." This is but another form of the great principle 
embodied in the trite maxim, " Heaven helps those who help 
themselves." 

The spirit of self-help energizes and invigorates; Caesarism 
tends to dwarf and weaken. 

Even the very best institutions only assist men ; they do not 
and cannot make them either great or good. In one sense, every 
man is self-made. It is by his individual energy, pluck and per- 
severance that he rises in the estimation of mankind. But for 
years mankind has generally understood by the term " self made 
man" a person whose educational training was left to his own 
guidance or who enjoyed but a meagre training from the hands 
of others. 

Men of this character are forced to toil much harder for ac- 
quisitions. 

Gibbon once said: "Every person has two educations — one 
which he receives from others, and one, more important, which 
he gives himself." 

Sir Walter Scott declared : " The best part of every man's 
education is that which he gives himself" 

The distinguished Dr. Arnold once said : " I would rather 
send a boy to Van Dieman's Land, where he would have to 



I 



43 

work for his bread, than to send him to Oxford to live in luxury 
without any desire in his own mind to avail himself of his ad- 
vantages." 

Self-help accounts for the pleasing and instructive fact that 
great men belong to no exclusive rank in life. This is the grand 
secret why men born in small towns and villages have become 
rulers of great cities and kingdoms; why men, obscure in their 
early life, have become so prominent in manhood, Jeremy Taylor, 
the most poetic of preachers, came from the barber shop. Shaks- 
peare was the son of a butcher, and was only himself a wool- 
comber. 

The great Ben Johnson was a common bricklayer, and Hugh 
Miller, the geologist, was a common day laborer. 

Prof. Lee, the Orientalist, and John Gibson, the sculptor, were 
carpenters. 

President Andrew Johnson was a tailor and Garfield a canal 
boy. 

Oliver Cromwell was the son of a London brewer, and Colum- 
bus was a weaver. 

Demosthenese, the world's greatest orator, was the son of a 
cutler, and Terence, the Roman writer, was a slave. 

John Jacob Astor once sold apples on the streets of New 
York; Daniel Webster was once a farm boy, and Mohammed 
was the driver of asses 

The eminent Frederick Douglass, now orator, author, re- 
corder of deeds, was a slave; Benjamin Banneker, the colored 
philosopher and astronomer, had the meagerest training, and 
yet won the approbation of Thomas Jefferson and the Academy 
of Science of Paris ; Dr. James Derham, the colored physician, 
was born a slave in Philadelphia in 1762, and rose to distinc- 
tion in his profession. 

This invigorating spirit of self-help must be acquired by con- 
stant labor and assiduity. 

Idleness rusts the soul as mill- dew rusts iron. Jeremy Taylor 
once said : "Avoid idleness, and fill up all the space of thy time 



44 

with severe and useful employment, for lust easily creeps in at 
those emptynesses where the soul is unemployed and the body 
is at ease." 

Sir Joshua Regnolds held that "all men might achieve excel- 
lence if they would but exercise the power of assiduous and pa- 
tient working." 

One must be diligent in self-discipline and self-control. These 
must be grounded in self-respect. Hope, the companion of power 
and the mother of success, springs from it. Pythagoras, the 
Grecian philosopher, taught his pupils to reverence themselves. 

"The pious and just honoring of ourselves," said Milton, 
'* may be thought the radical moisture, the fountain head from 
whence every laudable and worthy enterprise issues forth." 

This spirit of self help must be obtained, too, by untiring per- 
severance and application. Without these little is accomplished. 

Newton, when asked by what means he had worked out his 
extraordinary discoveries, said, " By always thinking on them." 
De Maistre says, " To know how to wait is the great secret of 
success." 

Captain R. A. Paul is a self made man in the truest sense of 
the word. He never spent a day in an institution of learning. 
All he knows he gained by dint of unremitting toil and invinci- 
ble energy. Night after night, by the dim flickering of a candle, 
has he labored to master arithmetic, history, grammar, geography. 
In his manhood days he applied himself with unremitting zeal to 
the study of law and public life. 

This is his record, and this is sufficient. No higher eulogium 
can be pronounced upon him than that what Longfellow says of 
the diligent Village Blacksmith : 

" Somethinjj attempted, something done, 
Has earned a night's repose." 

His military spirit, too., abundantly attest his active spirit of 
self-help. He is captain of a military company known as the 
State Guard. This company, with its gallant captain, is well 
known throughout the State. He faithfully studies to make him- 



45 

self acquainted with every detail of military life, and ranks as a 
captain of fine ability. He is much beloved by the members of 
his company. In this particular he resembles the immortal John 
Logan and Robert E. Lee. On more than one occasion has his 
company been recognized as one of the best in the State of 
Virginia. 

A colored military contest occured at the State Fair on the 31st 
of October, 1879. The contestants were: 

Attucks Guard, Captain J. Crump. 

State Guard, Captain R. A. Paul. 

Virginia Grays, Captain Ben. Scott. 

Carney Guard, Captain Booker. 

Manchester Union Guard, Captain Cunningham. 

Langston Guard, of Norfolk, Captain W. H. Palmer. 

Colonel L. J. Beall, Colonel L. L. Bass and Captain Charles 
F. Taylor were selected to decide the merits of the contest. 

All the companies acquitted themselves with marked ability; 
but when the State Guard had completed their drill the loud and 
continuous applause plainly showed that the judgment of the 
spectators was in their favor. 

The State Guard were declared the successful competitors for 
the first prize, and the Attucks Guard for the second. 

At Petersburg, too, on July 5, 1880, his company received the 
second prize in a drilling contest. 

On Monday, September 8, 1884, a military drill contest occur- 
red at the Fair Grounds between the State Guard and the Vir- 
ginia Grays. 

The State Guard, under Captain Paul, received the prize of ^25. 

Only the indomitable energy and will of Paul enabled his com- 
pany to achieve these victories. 

That he is a self-made man is perfectly evident from his suc- 
cess as a politician. From the time of his entrance into the 
political arena to the present time he has played an important 
part in the politics of the State. Especially since 1874 has he 
met with that species of political success which attaches to the 
holding a permanent political position. 



46 

In 1877 he was appointed bailiff, and in 1880 he was commis- 
sioned U. S. Deputy Marshal by Hon. C. P. Ramsdell. He 
performed the duties of these positions with fidelity and ability. 
In May, 1881, he resigned this position and entered upon the 
duties of mailing clerk in the Richmond post-office. 

The onerous responsibilities of this office, too, he filled to the 
entire satisfaction of his superiors. On the i6th of January, 
1882, he resigned this place for the one which he now fills. 

Governor W. E. Cameron, recognizing the valuable services of 
Capt. R. A. Paul, appointed him "Doorkeeper to the Executive 
or Messenger to the Governor and Secretary of the Common- 
wealth." This position is a salaried one, provided by law. In 
the Code of 1873, chapter 20, page 221, section 15, the provis- 
ions for this office are as follows : " There shall be a doorkeeper 
to the executive chamber and of the general library room, who 
shall be the messenger of the Governor and Secretary of the 
Commonwealth, and obey their orders. He shall be appointed 
by the Governor and removed at his pleasure. He shall keep 
the keys of the executive chamber, of the general library-room, 
and of the office of the Secretary of the Commonwealth; keep 
these rooms and furniture thereof in proper order, have the fires 
therein diligently tended and carefully extinguished, and the 
rooms supplied with water. He shall be allowed a compensation 
fixed by the Governor and paid quarterly out of the civil con- 
tingent fund." 

Before the inauguration into office of Governor W. E. Came- 
ron, this important office of the executive had been filled by 
white men of standing and character. 

Mr. Thomas Botts, of Richmond, a gentleman of some rep- 
utation, was appointed to the position by Governor Kemper in 
1874. He was reappointed by Governor HoUiday in 187S, and 
was superseded by Capt. R. A. Paul. 

That sterling integrity and tireless energy exhibited in other 
positions have enabled him to perform, with entire satisfaction, 
the duties of this one. In this prominent governmental post 
he reflects much credit upon himself and honor upon the Col- 
ored People of America. 



i 



47 

The colored citizens of this great nation felt that they had 
advanced another step further when President Hayes magnani- 
mously appointed Hon. Fred. Douglass to the enviable position 
of United States Deputy Marshal of the District of Columbia. 
So, also, the colored citizens of this great Commonwealth realized 
that they had made a step in governmental equality when Capt. 
R. A. Paul was appointed to this honored post by Governor W. 
E. Cameron. 

Governor Cameron is a gentleman, scholar and statesman of 
broad liberal opinion. More than once has he abundantly shown 
his good will and unprejudiced spirit towards the Colored Peo- 
ple. From a recognition of the equality of all before the law 
and the constitution, he has endeared himself to the Colored Peo- 
ple of the Old Dominion. Hon. R. R. Farr, Superintendent of 
Public Instruction, in the educational department of the State, 
has manifested a like liberal appreciation for the interests and 
rights of colored citizens. It has been his invariable policy to 
place competent colored teachers in colored schools when prac- 
ticable. Such illustrious heroes as these, our mothers will honor, 
our wives respect, and our little children praise. 

Throughout the entire public career of Captain R. A. Paul, so 
far as I am able to ascertain, he has been recognized as a man of 
character. It is this which dignifies every station and exalts 
every position in life. Its influence is greater than that which 
comes from wealth, or position, or fame. 

Napoleon once said that even in war the moral is to the physi- 
cal ten to one. 

Men may possess little intellectual calibre and less money, but 
if they are enriched with a sterling character they will always 
possess influence. Captain Paul seems to have pursued the 
course marked out by Canning, who wisely wrote in i8oi : " My 
road must be through character to power; I will try no other 
course ; and I am sanguine enough to believe that this course, 
though not perhaps the quickest, is the surest." 

Truthfulness and integrity seemed to have marked his political 



48 

career. When he promised assistance to one candidate no 
amount of money nor any position could induce him to desert 
for another. He faithfully labored to promote the interests of 
his candidate, and maintained an unspotted political record before 
the people. 

"The youth," says Mr. Disraeli, "who does not look up will 
look down, and the spirit that does not soar is destined, perhaps, 
to grovel." 

Captain R. A. Paul has always "looked up" to something 
higher and better. He has carried into active life the principle 
embodied in the following words of George Herbert : 

" Pitch thy behavior low ; tliy projects high ; 
So shalt thou humble and magnanimous be. 
Sink not in spirit ; who aimeth at the sky 
Shoots higher much tlian he that means a tree." 

I have often noticed his genial politeness to passers by. This, 
too, is one of the secrets of his success thus far. "Civility," 
said Lady Montague, " costs nothing and buys everything." 

None are too poor in purse or dress as not to be the recipients 
of his affability. Withal he appears to be a man of broad, lib- 
eral opinions and great sensibility. His feelings are susceptible 
of the slightest injury or insult, but he is not the man to resent 
them. He knows how to differ from men without abusing them- 
Opinionativeness and arrogance are far from him. His intimate 
association with men of eminence and worth has taught him to 
consider with impartiality the views of opponents. 

He seldom speaks disparagingly of any man's worth or ability. 
In all my intercourse with him I have heard him speak less 
derogatory words concerning men than any of my acquaintances. 
In him there is a beautiful mingling of courage and gentleness. 

It was said of Sir John Franklin that "he was a man who 
never turned his back upon any danger, yet of that tenderness 
that he would not brush away a mosquito." 

None who knows the subject of our sketch doubt his courage. 
He knows how to say " No '" and how to stand to it. In all his 



/ 49 

political contests he has never been known to play the part of a 
coward, but on more than one occasion he has displayed moral 
courage of the highest order. His high positions of honor and 
trust m several societies, associations and the church clearly 
show in what high estimation he is held by the community. He 
is a member in good standing of the Richmond Chapter of 
Masons and of Mt. Olivet Commandery of Knights of Templars. 
He is Junior Warden in Charity Lodge, No. 25, of the F. and 
A. Masons, and is the Supreme Representative of Virginia of 
the Knights of Pythias. As a man of religious faith, he is a 
prominent member of the Third-Street A. M. E. Church, and 
one of the Board of Stewards. 

In the popular sense of the term, Capt. R. A. Paul is certainly 
a gentleman. The immortal words of the immortal Tennyson 
are thus far appropriate to him : 

" For who can always act? but he 
To whom a thousand memories call, 
Not being less, but more than all 
The gentleman he seemed to be. 
But seemed the thing he was and joined 
Each office of the social hour 
To noble manners, as the flower 
And native growth of noble mind, 
And thus he bore without abuse 
The grand old name of Gentleman." 



50 



CHAPTER XL 

Paul's Intellectual Ability — Intellect the Glory of Man — Analysis of the 
Human Mind — The True Meaning of Education — Intellectual Ability 
can be Acquired by Diligent Study and Observation — Washington, Wil- 
son, Douglass — The Strength of the Mind of Capt. Paul — His Percep- 
tion, Memory, Reason — His Record should Stimulate Young Men. 

" We live in deeds, not years ; in tlionghts, not breaths ; 
In feelings, not in figures on a dial ; 
We shoQld count time by heart-throbs— he most Uvea 
Who thinks most— feels the noblest acts the best." 

The crowning glory of man is his intellectual capacity. His 
power of thinking, reflecting, devising, and scheming constitute 
the image of God in which he was created. Remove the intel- 
lectual nature of a man, and he is reduced to the level of a brute. 
With it, however, he lays the foundations of grea^" cities and 
magnificent empires; he builds huge pyramids, crosses the wide 
seas, and tunnels the mammoth mountains ; he enacts beneficent 
laws, provides his many wants, and worships his Creator. The 
only form of existence which we are capable of knowing are 
mind and matter. The human mind becomes cognizant of the 
external world through the perceptive faculties — the senses of 
seeing, smelling, tasting, feeling and hearing. 

When we reason, think or remember, we know that we are 
reasoning, thinking and remembering. The power by which we 
become cognizant of these mental states is called consciousness. 
When we behold a runaway horse, we think of what caused him 
to run away and what he will do. This power of the mind 
is called original suggestion. The wise and beneficent Creator 
determined that the human mind should possess the power of 
grouping thoughts and ideas together. This complex power is 
termed abstraction. 

The various ideas and divers knowledge acquired may be 
frequently recalled. This grand power of the mind is denom- 
inated memory. 



51 

But the Divine Being, who formed and fashioned man intended 
that from knowledge gained we should be enabled to acquire 
truth before unknown. The faculty which bestows this power 
is reason. 

But man is enabled to form from material existing in the mind 
pictures of things which never existed. The pleasing faculty by 
which this is done is called imagination. The complex human 
mind obtains pleasure from beauty, and pain from deformity. 
The power by which this is achieved is termed taste. 

The intellectual ability of men depends largely upon the 
strength and development of these respective faculties. 

It is the proper sphere of education to shape and mould them. 

By the term education must not be understood merely the 
training of these intellectual faculties. Education should do 
this, but it should do more beside. The feelings must be 
disciplined, the passions restrained, true and worthy motives in- 
spired, religious feelings instilled, and pure morality inculcated. 
All these are comprised in education. Swedenborg well says : 
" It is of no advantage to man to know much, unless he lives ac- 
cording to what he knows, for knowledge has no other end than 
goodness ; and he who is made good is in possession of a far 
richer treasure than he whose knowledge is the most extensive 
and yet is destitute of goodness; for what the latter is seeking 
by his great acquirements, the former already possesses." Too 
many have imbibed the erroneous idea that to acquire good in- 
tellectual ability a man must spend his boyhood and youth within 
the walls of some classical seminary or college. 

I readily admit that classical culture is desirable. Practical 
life, however, demonstrates that many men who have been incar- 
cerated within the limited circumference of schools and colleges 
lack that kind of intellectual ability which insures success. An 
intimate acquaintance with the siege of Troy, the Decline and 
Fall of the Roman Empire, or a knowledge of Latin and Greek, 
are quite distinct from that fund of practical intelligence fitted 
for every- dav life. 



52 

By a proper improvement of time, the day -laborer and the 
mechanic, the clerk and the business-man, may so develop the 
several faculties as to stand by the side of those who have grown 
up in the full bla^e of a collegiate education. The story of 
George Washington is simple and instructive. He had only the 
most meagre advantage of instruction in the common school 
branches. He added to this a knowledge of plane surveying. 
This trained him in mathematics, in the geography of his own 
country, in observation, in judgment, and correct writing. His 
intellectual faculties became deep, solid, strong, and accurate. 

Look at Henry Wilson, who was born at Framingham, N. H., 
February i6, 1812. He went to school about twelve months. 
At twenty-one, with all his possessions packed on his back, he 
went to Natick, Mass., and engaged in shoemaking. Afterward 
he studied a little at three different academies, but was forced 
back to the shoemaker's bench. He went into the whirl of po- 
litical life, and arose to eminence as an American statesman. 
His intellectual ability was obtained more from his practical 
knowledge than from school. 

Frederick Douglass was taught the art of reading by his mis- 
tress. By diligence and zeal he acquired much general informa- 
tion. He purchased while in slavery the " Columbian Orator,'' 
a famous school book of the time. He read with avidity the 
brilliant and profound speeches of Pitt, Burke and other eminent 
statesmen. Though he never attended any regular school he is 
recognized as a man of rare intellectual power. His late auto- 
biography is a work of beauty, original thought and literary 
finish. 

The mind of Captain Paul, like those of many eminent men, 
has acquired its strength by virtue of his diligence. His percep- 
tive faculties are largely developed. The base of his forehead 
presents an unusual prominence which clearly indicates his power 
of observing events. His force of abstraction, classifying and 
generalizing is not to be despised. 

In his public speeches he frequently joins fact to fact in a con- 
.secutive chain ; classifies his knowledge and renders himself more 



53 

effective as a practical debater. His memorizing faculty has been 
greatly enlarged by the accumulation of the facts of history and 
experience. His memory serves him so well that he has fre- 
quently entertained and instructed large audiences for two and 
three hours. 

Cato, deeply convinced of the power of reason displayed in 
Plato's immortality of the soul, exclaimed : " Plato, thou rea- 
sonest well." 

All who have attentively listened to our subject speak can 
truthfully attest that he " reasons well." His reasoning powers, 
from constantly thinking of the results of political affairs, are 
remarkably vigorous and trustworthy. His is not like the sweet, 
persuasive reasoning of a Clay, or a Choate ; but like the massive, 
convincing reasoning of a Calhoun, or a Webster. In his bold, 
vigorous speeches delivered in Tappahannock, King William, 
King and Queen and other places, the people asserted that he 
placed his opponents in a ridiculous position by the solidarity of 
of his reason. It is mainly due to his good sense and sound 
judgment, the result of this faculty, that he is so highly esteemed 
by such eminent men as Governor Cameron, Lieutenant-Governor 
John F. Lewis, Hon. John S. Wise and other prominent men. 
He is so strongly attached to the accumulation of facts that he 
has given his imagination but little opportunity to develop. 
That he is a man of good taste cannot be questioned. The neat- 
ness of his personal appearance, the richness of his parlor with 
its Brussels carpet, its cushioned chairs, its richly ornamented 
pictures and marble-slab stand sufficiently attest this. 

These facts clearly prove that he is a man of good intellectual 
capability. This appears very striking when we remember that 
he never spent a day in a school-room, but gained all he knows 
from his own personal efforts, assisted, to a small degree, by his 
affectionate mother. Step by step, through the difficult fields of 
reading, writing, geography, history and some law, he has made 
his toilsome way. While others were carousing, he was dili- 
gently studying. Especially is his ability to be commended when 



54 

we remember that he has risen from the servih'ty of a slave to 
the lofty position of " Doorkeeper to the Executive Chamber " ; 
that he has with ability and success discussed the great political 
issues of the times and met the approbation of the great men 
and organs of the party, and that he is publicly known by both 
white and colored throughout the Old Dominion. 

Surely he deserves from us the well-earned plaudit, " Well 
done, good and faithful servant." This brilliant record should 
prove a stimulant to every ambitious youth of the country. 

His is the account of a comparatively-speaking young man. 
He is now in his thirty-eighth year. If he has achieved so much 
without the advantages of culture, they should accomplish as 
much, if not more, with these advantages. If he, with the evil 
effects of slavery resting upon him, has managed by diligence 
and application to cast them from him and ascend so high the 
hill of life, they, freed from such blights, should climb still 
higher. 

Then, young man, look up ! Strive with perseverance, pa- 
tience, soberness, and diligence, and a happy reward will be yours. 



4 



55 



CHAPTER XII. 

Specimens of Paul's Writing — His Papers before the Brooks' Memorial 
and Monumental Association, the Acme Literary Association and at 
the Second Baptist Church. 

" He either fears his fate too much, 
Or his deserts are small, 
That dares not put it to the touch, 
To gain or lose it all. — MarquU of Montrose. 

The following paper was read before the Brooks' Memorial 
and Monumental Association, of which Capt. R. A. Paul is pres- 
ident: 

" Ladies and Gentlemen, — It is not my purpose to make you 
a speech this evening, nor do I feel that my abilities are adequate 
to the occasion. For to speak of the grandeur of intellect, elo- 
quence and magnanimity of soul of the subject of this meeting 
must be left to gentlemen of far more learning and ability than 
myself. But no man excels me in earnest devotion and warmth 
of admiration for the lamented Robert Peel Brooks. Therefore, 
I must ask your patience and indulgence for a few moments. 

"We come here to night to honor and eulogize the life of one 
of the most learned and talented young men of our race in Vir- 
ginia. We must admit that there are among us a large number 
of young men of learning and acknowledged ability, but for 
aptitude of thought, quickness of comprehension, and brilliancy 
of expression, Robert Peel Brooks exceeded all others. 

" Some people say that Mr. Brooks was able for a colored 
man. But allow me to say when I speak of him as a young 
man of unusual ability and consummate skill in his profession, 
I do not simply draw a comparison between him and young men 
of color ; but I say that in his composing room, as an editor, at 
the bar, as a counsellor, and upon the hustings, as an orator, 
Robert Peel Brooks had but few equals and no superiors. Just 



56 

when his brilliant and towering mind was leading him lo the top- 
most round of the ladder of fame and usefulness, he was laid 
low by the Hand that does all things well. 

'* We are here to honor his name, perpetuate his memory, and 
to arouse our young men to a spirit of emulation. Knowing 
his worth to us as a race and his value to Virginia as a State, we 
have organized an association to be known by the name of the 
Robert Peel Brooks' Memorial and Monumental Association. 
This organization is to conduct these services this evening, and 
to place over his grave a suitable monument as a token of our 
admiration and affection." 



57 



PAPER READ BEFORE THE C. S. L. CIRCLE. 

The Chatauqua Scientific and Literary Circle, of which Captain 
R A Paul is a member, gave a Mock Congress at the Second 
Baptist Church, and invited Captain Paul to read the following^ 
paper entitled "The Danville Massacre" : 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — The question is asked, what caused 
the Bourbons of Danville, Va., to murder a number of colored 
citizens of that place last November ? 

To answer this inquiry we must invite your attention to a brief 
history of the political party whose leaders plotted the butchery 
of our fellow-men. 

In 1 869 'the people of Virginia adopted a constitution as the 
basis of government of this State and, upon their solemn pledges 
that they would recognize the political equality of all men and 
that they would be loyal to the general government, the State 
was again admitted mto the union of States. 

From that time to 1880 the Democratic party had absolute 
control over the affairs of Virginia, and as soon as they thought 
themselves secure for all time to come, they began to break their 
solemn pledges. 

The first idea which they conceived after returning to the Union 
was that they had humiliated themselves by consenting to the 
political equality of the Negro. They then tried to persecute the 
Negro as a source of revenge. For the punishment of the sable 
freeman the Bourbons thought that to revive the best and, to 
them, the most pleasing relic of slavery would best accomplish 
their wicked designs. Therefore they established the whipping- 
post for the humiliation of our people. For the purpose of ben- 
efiting foreigners at the expense of their own State, they assumed 
a public debt much greater than it honestly was and beyond the 
people's ability to pay. 



58 

They they placed a price on the ballot — that ballot which is 
the greatest boon of an American freeman and without which 
freedom would be a mockery. Then, as it were, they put the 
torch to the public schools of the Commonwealth and before the 
people could allay the flames thereof the educational system 
was almost destroyed. 

In this threatening condition of affairs, at the moment when the 
crisis reached its highest point, that intellectual giant, General 
Mahone, sounded the tocsin of war. The people became alarmed 
and, with ballots in hand, rushed to the conflict, mounted to the 
parapet and routed the enemy from nearly every branch of the 
State government. 

Although the Bourbons claimed that the Readjusters were re- 
pudiators and Negro lovers ; that they favored social equality, the 
intermarriage of the races and Negro rule, and, therefore, were 
unfit for association with them, they stood the storm like a mighty 
rock and continued to prosper. 

I can assure you that it is not a privilege mingled with joy to 
depart from my usual eulogies of a number of the white men of 
•our State, for it has always been pleasant to me to speak of them 
in words of praise. And though I must speak of many of them 
now with shame and regret, yet, I can say that there are thousands 
of the brave sons of Virginia who will protect us if we only be 
true to ourselves and encourage them with our united support. 

The Danville massacre was greater in atrocity than any crime 
known in the history of this State against the laws of God and 
humanity, save the actual commerce of man by man. 

In ante-bellum times Virginia stood famous in the history of 
the nation as the mother of States and great men. She was truly 
the home of the brave, though not the land of the free. But 
with all her short comings on the question of slavery, she had a 
reputation for the production of men of noble deeds of valor of 
which any State might be envious. 

But, alas! how different must the picture be drawn now, not- 
withstanding all the glory of her past history and the renown of 



59 

her gallant sons ! She, at one stroke, buried her noble name in 
the lowest depths of infamy and stained her escutcheon with the 
blood of innocent men. 

When the clock struck twelve on Saturday, November 3, 1883, 
the colored people of Danville were quietly attending to their 
work without any apprehension of immediate danger.' When 
they were attending the market, purchasing the necessities of life 
for themselves and families, all at once they were rushed upon 
by the so-called Christian Caucasians of their city and shot down 
hke flying robbins before the professional huntsman. 

The question is asked, Why all this bloodshed ? What have 
these citizens done to merit death ? The answer comes, nothing ; 
but they are Negroes, and intend to vote according to the dictates 
of their consciences. 

When wives and children were anxiously awaiting the arrival 
of their husbands and fathers, they were confronted with the 
dead bodies of their only support. News came to others, like a 
mighty cyclone, informing them that their dear ones had fled to 
save their lives from a wicked and angry people. 

These people claim to be loyal to the general government and 
yet, they make a foot- ball of the Constitution and trample the 
stars and stripes under their feet. 

The Constitution says : " All persons born or naturalized in 
the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citi- 
zens of the United States. 

" No State shall make or enforce any laws which shall abridge 
the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States ; nor 
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property 
without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its 
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. 

" The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be 
denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on ac- 
count of race, color, or previous condition of servitude." 

Every man who votes or holds oflice in this country, State or 
national, swears or aflirms that he will support the Constitution 



6o 

of the United States, and yet in the face oi these facts men are 
shot down like vicious and dangerous brutes, to prevent them 
from exercising those rights guaranteed by the Constitution. 

Look, if you please, at these false pretenders of great loyalty 
to the country and see what horrible crimes they commit than 
for no higher purpose than to oppress us as a people and to gain 
political preferment. 

Would any one suppose that it is the will of a majority of the 
white people of our State that we should be treated thus cruelly ? 
It is not their wish. These evils are provoked and brought on 
by the meanest Democratic politicians. 

As an example of their wicked methods to mislead the white 
men of this State, see what falsehoods were manufactured and 
sent out from Danville after the massacre: "The Bloody Negro 
Riot in Danville — White Men of Virginia Urged to be True to 
Their Own Race in the Race Conflict which Mahone has Brought 
About." 

" If you only knew our suffering here you would vote different. 
We are standing in our doors with guns protecting our families." 

They claimed to have been standing in their doors with guns 
protecting their families. Can that charge be true? No, it can- 
not be. We have lived here, protected and supported their fam- 
ilies, too many years for them to induce any one to believe such 
slander against our race. 

No, my friends ; the truth is this : They had shot all the 
Negroes whom they could find, and were only waiting as the 
huntsman awaits the return of the foxes to their holes to shoot 
the first that put in his appearance. 

It is difficult to convince some people that we must have all 
the privileges enjoyed by other citizens. But the American peo- 
ple are in earnest about this matter ; and while we intend at all 
hazards to go to the conflict with unfaltering footsteps to do 
battle for the virtue and honor of our noble women and the edu- 
cation of our children, we believe that the good people of this 
country will render that assistance necessary to crush out any 



6i 

political party opposed to the glorious principles of free thought, 
free speech and a free ballot. 

If a foreigner comes here and gets his naturalization papers, 
and then visits his old country and is molested in any way, it is 
considered a great national indignity, for which the offending 
country must either apologize or prepare for war with all its hor- 
rors. But here, at our own hearthstone, where the beloved stars 
and stripes float, almost under the dome of the National Capital, 
the colored citizens are allowed to be shot down and murdered 
in cold blood for no cause save that they wish to use those priv- 
ileges conferred upon them by the nation. Are we not entitled 
to protection at the hands of the American people ? 

For two hundred and fifty years we have labored, and, by our 
toil, have made this country rich and prosperous without any 
compensation. 

A few years since, when the dear old flag was shot from the 
mast, when her sacred folds were being washed in the blood of 
her bravest sons, and when the American eagle drooped his wings 
as a token of sadness and fear, the country called for the help of 
the Negro, and two hundred thousand black braves offered their 
lives in defence of the Union. With the aid of their daring deeds 
of valor the Republic was saved. 

Though the present prospect of the Negro seems a little dark, 
yet we look with hope to a just God and a generous people for 
that guidance and support which will enable us to steer with 
safety the bark of equal rights amidst the raging elements of an 
adverse world. For it is 

" Better to dwell in Freedom's hall, 
With a cold, damp floor and mouldering wall, 
Than bow the head and bend the knee 
In the proudest palace of Slaverie.'' 



62 



ADDRESS BEFORE THE A. L. ASSOCIATION. 

The following address was made at the Third-Street A. M. E. 
Church, before the Acme Literary Association on May 19, 1885 : 

Ladies and Gentlemen, — We hope to convince you that the 
American Negro has been and is now a political factor of tar 
greater importance in the governmental affairs of our State and 
country than he has been considered by many. 

We want to satisfy your minds by the most conclusive evidence 
which can be furnished by facts and figures that the Negro has 
controlled the political complexion of this great nation for at least 
eight years. 

But before going into details we desire to ask your indulgence 
and attention for a short time to the question, what should be 
the necessary qualifications of the political leaders of our people ? 

We find it to be true of the American people that though at 
times they are ready to strike down their fellow-countrymen at 
the point of the dagger and are so nearly evenly divided on 
political matters, yet when their country is invaded by the foreign 
foe they invariably unite for the common weal. We think that 
it should be likewise with the African American. 

Though they differ in opinion, wealth, intelligence, society and 
many other things, as people of intelligence and worth must 
differ, yet when their race is assailed by its enemies, they should 
lay aside all differences and contend with pride of race and love 
of fireside for the general welfare. 

The discreet and honest use of the political power of the 
Negro depends, in a great measure, upon the intelligence, courage 
and sincerity of his leaders. For the colored man to use his 
vote to the greatest advantage to his race and country, he must 
have safe leaders of his own race to advise him until, at least, he 
is more intelligent and better prepared to judge for himself. 



63 

We do not mean that white men must be dispensed with as 
leaders. On the contrary, we must encourage them to act in 
harmony with our leaders, and in time of political warfare we 
should be willing to allow them to name the commander-in-chief 
of the united forcQ|S. 

If we would succeed in politics, we must have men of honest 
hearts and determined purposes ; men who think deeply about the 
wants and needs of their people. 

When we say that, to our mind, the politician is as of much 
importance to the political liberties of the people as the minister 
of the Gospel is to the salvation of the souls of men, we speak 
in all sincerity. But we do not mean to say that every man who 
may leap to the front and claim to be a leader, should be trusted 
with that grand and important office. ~ 

The men to lead the Negro should be selected with great care, 
because the masses of his people are, from circumstances over 
which they had no control, ignorant, and hence they are easily 
deceived by dishonest, trading politicians. 

The paramount qualifications for leadership are common sense, 
courage and honesty. For no coward can be a good and safe 
representative, and a dishonest man should not be allowed to 
bargain away the liberties of the people. 

And now we shall endeavor to show that the Negro is and has 
been a political factor of great significance in this country. 

The political complexion of the executive, legislative and, in 
many cases, the judiciary branches of government of some of 
the largest and most important States of the Union have been 
decided and fixed by the casting vote of the African-American 
citizen. 

A few years ago the people of our State were groaning under 
heavy taxes and laws too oppressive for the government of any 
free people. The political party then in power in Virginia asked 
the people no questions as to their wishes, and, like a monarch, 
they disregarded the petitions of those whom they governed. 
The public free schools were almost destroyed ; the right of the 



64 

people to choose their rulers with a free and untrammelled ballot 
and the right of having their votes honestly counted after voting 
were universally violated by the Democratic managers. At the 
time when this tyrannical party thought itself invincible, some of 
their bravest leaders became restless and turned against them, 
and, v/ith the help of the Negro, broke the back of Bourbon 
Democracy in Virginia. 

Our representative men, speaking for their suffering constitu- 
ences, said to these gcntlcii. en, "If you will give our children 
education ; if you will give us a free ballot and an honest count; 
if you will allow colored men to set on juries in cases where our 
people are concerned, and give us an equal show in life with 
other citizens of Virginia, we w ill give your party the great mass 
of the votes of our people." 

The new party accepted the offer of our leaders, took the van 
of the battle themselves, and with their forces, aided by the 
mighty army of colored voters, they defeated the most tyranni- 
cal political party that ever governed a free people. 

Now, let us come to national politics, and I think we will find 
that the Negro has played no less an important part there, and 
has had no less influence in deciding what should be the political 
complexion of the national administration for the last eight 
years than he has in certain States o. the Union. 

While it is true that the great Republican party saved the flag 
of their country, freed and made the Negro the political equal 
of the white man, it is also true that, without the support of the 
Negro, the liourbon Democratic party would have had control 
of this government eight years ago. 

In 1876 a presidential election was held, in which contest 
R. B. Hayes and \Vm. A. Wheeler were the candidates of the 
Republican party, and Samuel j. Tilden and Thomas A. Hen- 
dricks were the nominees of the Democratic party. 

In the Hayes-Tilden election, the Republican nominees had to 
receive nineteen electoral votos from the South to elect them by 
one majority, and we need not tell you that no State south of 



65, 

Mason and Dixon's line can go anti-Bourbon without the ahnost 
solid support of the colored citizen. 

In that election Mr. Tilden carried five Northern States, which 
gave him sixty-eight electoral votes, and all the Southern States 
excepting three, which the colored man, having been invested 
with the right of suffrage, carried for Mr. Hayes. The Demo- 
cratic nominee received from the South one hundred and sixteen 
electoral votes, making in all for Tilden and Hendricks one hun- 
dred and eighty-four votes. This was only one short of an elec- 
tion. 

Mr. Hayes received from the Northern States one hundred and 
sixty-six electoral votes, which were nineteen short of an elec- 
tion. His party came to the poor black man of the South, and 
the sable freeman, with generosity, gave him the nineteen needed 
electors. 

In the presidential election of 1880, General James A. Gar- 
field and Chester A. Arthur were the nominees of the Republi- 
can party, and General Winfield S. Hancock and William H. 
English were the candidates of the Democratic party. The 
Democratic nominees received one hundred and forty- four elec- 
toral votes from the Southern States and twelve from the States 
of California, Nevada and Delaware. This made a total of one 
hundred and fifty-six, being twenty-nine short of an election. 
But how easily could the colored voters of the State of New 
York, with her thirty five electoral voles, have changed the result 
if they had voted with the Democracy ? 

The State went Republican by a majority of 20,842, and she 
has a colored voting population of 20,059. This makes a white 
Republican majority of 783. Now, suppose only 11,000 of the 
20,000 Negroes voted and the remaining 9,000 stayed away from 
the polls, the Negro voters still held the balance of power. If 
they had voted the Democratic ticket General Hancock would 
have carried New York by about 1,000 majority. 

The State of Ohio has a colored voting population of 21,706, 
and she gave General Garfield a majority of 26,105. This shows 



66 

that if the colored vote had been cast for the Democracy, the 
Bourbons would have carried the State by about 17,000 majority. 

Indiana has a colored voting population of 10,739, ^"'^ Gene- 
ral Garfield carried the State by about 5,000 majority; so, if the 
Negro had polled his vote against the Republicans, General 
Hancock would have carried the State by a large majority. 

General Garfield went into office March 4, 1 881, with both 
branches of congress Republican, and they were made Republi- 
can by the votes of the African-Americans. 

The senate stood — Democrats, 37; Republicans, 37, and one 
of the Republican senators was Hon. William Pitt Kellogg, of 
Louisiana, who was certainly elected by the votes of Negroes. 

There were two independent senators — General Mahone, of 
Virginia, and Judge Davis, of Illinois. 

General Mahone had been elected to the Senate by a coalition 
of liberal Democrats, liberal Republicans, and, we may say, the 
united support of the colored citizens. 

Senator Davis was nominated by the Republican senators for 
president pro tern, of the Senate, but they needed one vote to 
elect hmi, and General Mahone supplied that one. 

From that time General Mahone and Judge Davis voted with 
the Republicans, giving them thirty-nine senators against thirty- 
seven Democrats. 

In 1883 Judge Davis went out of the Senate. He was suc- 
ceeded by the eminent soldier and statesman. General John A. 
Logan. But his election did not give the Republicans control of 
the Senate. Virginia, again liberal and loyal in her national 
sentiment, sent Riddleberger, the plumed knight of the Valley, 
to assist General Mahone in keeping the Senate in the hands of 
the American National party. So Virginia, by the Negro cast- 
ing his vote for the liberal white men, has been twice the balance 
of political power in the Senate of the United States. In 1880 
the House of Representatives of the United States was made 
Republican by the same means and power. The colored citizens 
cast their votes for the candidates of the Republican party for 
Congress in their districts. 



6; 

There were in the House one hundred and forty-seven Repub- 
licans and one hundred and forty-four Democrats, giving the 
Republicans a majority of three. Two of the Democrats were 
Readjusters, who were elected by a coalition of Republicans and 
Democrats. They voted with the Republicans, giving them one 
hundred and forty-nine against one hundred and forty-two Dem- 
ocrats. 

The South gave seven anti-Bourbon congressmen, and the 
Republicans had seven majority on a full vote of the House. 
Now, if the Negroes had voted for the Democratic candidates 
for Congress, the Democracy would have had the same majority. 

While the African-American has done so much for the Repub- 
lican party and the preservation of the Union, and while I be- 
lieve he has voted and fought on the right side on every occasion, 
yet I must confess that if the same valuable services had been 
rendered by any other people, they would have received more 
attention than we have from the Republicans. 

But their failure to give us proper recognition is due to the 
prejudices of the American whites against us on account of our 
color and our former condition. 

How can we meet and eradicate this feeling of prejudice? is 
the problem to be solved by us. I would suggest that we en- 
courage our people to acquire intelligence and wealth; that we 
persuade them to break down feelings of envy and malice among 
themselves ; that we encourage each other in professions, trades, 
and business. 

The question may be asked, Can the Negro, with this immense 
power, be kept in his present abject condition? To this enquiry 
I answer, "No"; for if the signs of the times indicate anything, 
they tell a glorious future for the American black man. 

Just nineteen years ago the Negro was made a freeman, and 
already we have found him in both branches of Congress and in 
the Legislatures of all the Southern States and in some of the 
Northern States. 



68 

We find the Negro minister plenipotentiary, representing this 
great government in the courts of foreign countries. 

We find the Negro marshal of the Supreme Court of the 
United States for the District of Columbia ; we find him register 
of the United States Treasury, and without his signature none 
of the paper currency of our national government can go into 
circulation. 

We find him in the court, with the scales of justice, dispens- 
ing equity to the people ; we find him as Doctor of Divinity,. 
Medicine and Law. 

I think that the facts which I have thus feebly adduced enable 
us to say with one acclaim, that the future prospects of the Negro 
for acquiring wealth and education, for receiving due recognition 
and power, are bright and glorious. 

Now, may that Omnipotent Being, who is the source of all 
power and goodness, and whose benign influence rules the des- 
tiny of the universe, lend us His gracious guidance, that we may 
do that which is best for our race, and lead us with his gentle 
hand to peace, happiness and perpetual prosperity, for 

" By the hope within us springing, 

Heralds of to-morrow's strife ; 
By that sun whose Hght is bringing 

Chains or freedom, death or life. 
Oh ! remember, life can be • 

No charm for him who lives not free." 



A SKETCH 



LIFE AND TIMES 



OF 



CAPT. R.A.PAUL. 



An Authentic and Abbreviated History of his Career from Boyhood 

TO the Present Time; containing a Reliable Account of the 

Politics of Virginia from 1874 to the Present Time. 



By prof. D. B. WILLIAMS, 

AxjTHor. OF " Thk Negro Race, the Pioneer in Citilization," "A Lecture on the 
Sun," "Why We are Baptist," Etc., Etc. 




RICHMOND, VA. : 

JOHNS & GOOLSBY, BOOK AND JOB PRINTERS. 



m 



ERRATA. 

Page 21, line 7 from top, for "The" read They. 

Page 45, lines 9-10 from bottom, for "Virginia Grays," read Richmond 
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